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Billy King: Rites Again
Hello again, though my first item below concerns a diary, Christmas and new year are at this stage but a dim and distant memory. However, it's the time of year when traditionally (= since last year) I award my prestigious Adolf Awards - these are for conspicuous disservice to peace and/or to the community at home or abroad. The Adolf Awards are, of course, named after the best known person of the 20th century with that first name. So go to the end of my column to check out who made it onto the list this year. Success The good thing about it is that it tells lots of stories in summary form so you quickly get the impression "yes, that's really interesting', or "that was really successful". As it's a US publication it majors on that part of the world but covers ancient Romans and Jews, South Africa, Latin America and elsewhere. Some are stories I know quite well, but summary form has its own strengths. My very favourite, because it illustrates how we can be successful on something when we're actually working on something else, comes from the US itself, a story entitled "Rice bags defeat nukes" in the diary. During the 1950s the inter-faith Fellowship of Reconciliation in the States had a campaign entitled "Feed Thine Enemy", encouraging the US government and public to feed the hungry. People were encouraged to send tiny bags of rice to the White House with a message about the famine in Communist China, "If thine enemy hunger, feed him". This campaign flopped, and hostility grew between the USA and China. A crisis arose over possession of islands disputed by mainland China and the US-backed Taiwan. Twice US generals recommended to President Eisenhower that the USA take pre-emptive nuclear strikes against China. Eisenhower turned to his aides and asked how many little bags of rice had come in; thousands he was told. Eisenhower gave the little bags of rice as the reason he ruled out using nuclear weapons. If you want to get hold of the WRL 'calendar', it's ISBN 0-940862-13-1, edited by Tom Hastings and Geov Parrish. WRL is at 339 Lafayette Street, New York, NY 10012, and the cover price is US$12. A query to www.warresisters.org might reveal price including postage in your neck of the world woods. Money, money, money Anyway, it's good to know if you've 'Irish' currency in your pocket it's also good in France, Germany, Greece etc. But I note that banks will have no more inclination to accept cheques from other countries, even if it's Euroland-to-Euroland, than heretofore. The clearing mechanisms don't exist, they say. Which is probably true but how do I get the feeling that they will still charge us something similar for processing a foreign cheque even if there is now no currency conversion involved? Which is really rather bizarre because the previous 'Eurocheque' system, which went out a few years ago, allowed you to write a cheque in any national currency and the exact amount you paid was calculated at your bank. It had the disadvantage that you didn't know exactly how much you were paying but you did know that there was only a very modest fee involved. There would have been a lot more work involved than in Euroland now but there are no proposals that I see for even a very modest 'flat rate' payment system enabling you to write a cheque for, say. 12 Euros to someone in France and not have to pay the same amount again in commission to the bank. Come on, banking system, get your Euro-house in order and don't be so caught up in losing hundreds of millions of dollars speculating on the currency markets when you could actually do something to help customers internationally. In a state Bloody Sunday was covered up as well as it could by the British establishment (which wasn't actually very well) with the Widgery tribunal being a travesty of justice. Insult was added to fatal injury when the people shot dead by the state were labelled as nail bombers and gunmen. It is no wonder that the people of Derry refused to lie down before this cover up and fought until they eventually got a new, improved tribunal of enquiry (the Saville judicial enquiry currently costing lots of money). Some Protestants in the North feel aggrieved meanwhile that 'their' atrocities go untribunaled. This is understandable. But when the state itself kills and covers up the deaths of its own citizens then there is something the state has to answer for. If the job had been done the first time then there would have been no need for the current process. In the case of the Republic and the Hepatitis C scandal, the Blood Transfusion Service Board and the Department of Health denied, stonewalled, prevaricated, tokenised, patronised before eventually being forced by the women in Positive Action and by public opinion and the political process to adopt a reasonably equitable settlement. In the state's role in this case they didn't even have the token excuse of 'state security' which the British state undoubtedly tried to use in relation to Bloody Sunday. They were thinking of their backs and their budgets. In both cases the political apparatus concerned, and the appropriate bureaucracies, proceeded as they know how. They denied the truth and harried those who spoke out. They refused to admit literally fatal errors of judgement on behalf of state agencies. The tried to obfuscate the truth, admitting token aspects of the situation which would not damage their own case so much because to deny the truth entirely would be to be ridiculed. But they did this in such a way as to try to fend off the real implications of what was done. They tried to muddy the waters. It is a great credit to all the activists involved, North and South in these two terrible and very different dramas, that the truth was sought, that there was a refusal to accept the distorted and twisted versions presented by the state. All may not be well in the body politic in Ireland, North or South, but these cases are a credit to grassroots activism and democracy in Ireland. Maybe as people we know bullshit when we see it and refuse to have it palmed off on us as the gospel. ‘United Ireland’ A 'United Ireland' has never existed as a modern political entity. The most recent manifestation of when Ireland was united in any sense politically was as part of the 'United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland' from 1801 onwards, and that hardly counts. Before that, Ireland had been a subservient, but separate, kingdom to England and under the English monarch, but as it was only Protestants and in particular Anglican upper class Protestants who counted in this state; so it is difficult to say that that was a 'United Ireland' then either - and modern concepts of nationalism were only just emerging. If you go back pre-plantations and in particular pre-Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland (1169) you can make claims for relative cultural homogeneity but politically Ireland was a myriad of chiefdoms and little kingdoms despite there being a High Kingship during part of this period. So a 'United Ireland' in any possible modern form is an aspiration which has never had previous existence. Republicans are those who proclaim themselves most vehemently for a United Ireland. But as most republicans during the Troubles of the last Thirty Years war have supported armed struggle to achieve a United Ireland, there has been a surprising lack of logic. Trying to 'persuade' Northern Protestants to enter a new political arrangement while attacking and killing their members (in the RUC, UDR etc) and other agents of the state they support (British soldiers etc) hardly seems a very sensible way to win friends and influence people. Another famous example of this lack of logic - which continues regularly today - is attacking or threatening the railway line between the two largest cities in Ireland, Dublin and Belfast. This is purportedly trying to 'unite' people by attacking people travelling on their normal business and pleasure between the two major cities in Northern Ireland and the Republic! All to 'bring home the seriousness of the war situation' to the public, bla bla bla, but how ludicrous can you get? Preventing people interacting! 'United' Ireland, my arse! Another feature of the lack of support for a United Ireland in practice, as opposed to theory, is the fact that most people in the Republic would run a mile, or certainly a kilometre, if the prospect of a United Ireland actually loomed into reality. While the theory of a United Ireland is popular among all parties and most people in the 26 counties, the thought of having to deal at more than arm's length with Northern Protestants and their representatives would drive many politicians to perplexion if not apoplexy. Prior to the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, the refusal to 'live unification now' by holding onto to things like Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Constitution indicated a fundamentally partitionist approach to the North. Even now, with cross-border bodies of various kinds, the level of cooperation at an institutional level is pretty much what you would expect between neighbouring states, e.g. in Scandinavia. The idea that these institutions are the advance guard of a united Ireland, as feared by some unionists and as proclaimed by some republicans, is just so much rubbish. That said, what the future holds is anyone's guess. The demography of Norn Iron is changing with a higher proportion of cultural Catholics. What the proportion of Catholics and Protestants is in ten, twenty, fifty years time depends on relative birth and emigration rates in the intervening period. And that has yet to be determined. There may now be more Catholic primary school children than Protestant ones, and while some factors might predicate a higher Protestant than Catholic emigration rate in the foreseeable future, these are things which cannot be certain. And even if there is a Catholic majority in Northern Ireland in twenty or thirty years time, that does not necessarily equal a United Ireland. Closer links, yes, united politically, not necessarily. However there is one other factor which is currently running in support of a 'united Ireland' which in the 19th and 20th centuries militated against it; economics. As the 19th century progressed, Northern Prods saw their economic interests as being very much in favour of a United Kingdom (of Britain and Ireland); shipbuilding, linen etc were dependent on the British link (this is aside from political and cultural fears Prods had). The 26 counties had very little economic production outside of agriculture. The boot is now on the other foot. The Republic's economy has streaked ahead and may continue to do so. Within the EU, political units are now of less significance economically but taxation still has an important role. If the Republic's economy continues to outstrip Britain and the North that would be one more reason for closer links (though the Republic, as a much smaller population unit than Britain, shouldering the economic cost of baling out the North would be another matter). However the Republic's economy is very dependent on multinationals and high-tech ones at that; if they prosper and don't move their plants to India or the Far East, or other cheap wage locations, then the Republic is likely to continue to prosper - and if not, not. Me? Well, yes, I'd support a united Ireland. But a different kind of one to what that term traditionally implies. Many injustices have been perpetrated in the name of a United Ireland. It is only with tolerance, magnanimity, and courage that anything like it will come to pass. And there are other things which are more important than a United Ireland; respect, nonviolence, a willingness to be patient, security in people's own identity. At some point I would like it. But I can live without it. And I'd like to finish with an adaptation of an old aphorism; living for Ireland is far more important than dying or killing for it. Not the dentist Adolf Awards 'Vengeance is mine, saith the Lord'
Award Hurling (abuse) Award Survivor of the Year Ecumenist of the Year Award Warlord of the year Chamber pot award Paramilitary group of the year Sycophant of the year Flight of fancy award Well, that's that, with the awards awarded I can call it a day ("it's a day") and go home. Until we meet again, take care, be good to yourself and a few other people as well, and I'll see you the same place and time again next month. Your humble servant, Billy. |